Ruto’s Echoing Moves: A Reflection of Uhuru Kenyatta’s Leadership
After only nine months in office. The actions of President William Ruto’s administration have done little. To distinguish it from the previous regime. Despite the president’s pledge to pursue an entirely different course of governance.
A reactive approach to corruption. A government largely composed of appointees from two communities. Punitive taxes, the use of security and investigative agencies to settle political scores. And attempts to usurp the authority of independent offices are becoming the norm.
Dr. Ruto promised to chart his course after a bitter dispute with his former boss, former President Uhuru Kenyatta. Who supported an opposition candidate in the 2022 presidential election.
Kenya Kwanza’s leader promised a breath of fresh air. After launching scathing attacks against his predecessor during the campaign for various ills.
Nonetheless, when he unveiled his 22-member Cabinet in September of last year. He failed the inclusiveness test, just like his former boss. Half of the appointees were from either the Mount Kenya region or the Rift Valley.
The lists of principal secretaries and heads of government parastatals and agencies followed a similar format. Only 13 of the 51 PSs are female. And 27 are either from the Mt Kenya region or the President’s community.
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Deal with patronage
The President also promised to combat cronyism. Despite criticism from various quarters, including the church, he continued the trend.
Archbishop of the Anglican Church Jackson Ole Sapit decried the increasing prevalence of tribal and regional appointments in the public sector.
“There is blatant nepotism and tribalism, especially regarding public appointments. This is unacceptable, Mr. Sapit stated.
In February, Vice President Rigathi Gachagua confirmed the fears. Stating that the Kenya Kwanza government has shareholders. With appointments and contracts going to those who supported the alliance first.
Before considering others. The government will reward its steadfast supporters and those who labored to put it in office, according to him.
This government is a publicly traded company. There are owners with the majority of shares, those with a few shares, and those with none,” he said.
President Ruto appeared to concur with this viewpoint. When he defended the lopsided appointments by stating that certain considerations. Including appeasing one’s support base, are always taken into account when making political appointments.
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He stated that those who supported him during the campaign. Have a right to expect appointments and other benefits if they are qualified.
When the Uhuru government decided to appoint chief administrative secretaries (CAS). It faced additional criticism that the government was too large.
President Ruto not only borrowed from his former boss’s playbook, but he also outdid him.
Despite campaigning on the platform of a government eager to reduce wasteful spending. And the creation of positions for elites and friends, President Ruto not only borrowed from his former boss’s playbook, but he also outdid him.
The President appointed a greater number of PSs and CASs than the previous administration.
Ruto’s Echoing Moves: A Reflection of Uhuru Kenyatta’s Leadership
Mr. Kenyatta had 29 CASs and 44 PSs, whereas President Ruto has 50 CASs and 51 PSs. In his defense, he stated that his plan for Kenya requires additional hands and minds.
In light of the mass dismissal of mega-corruption and economic cases against politicians allied with the President, the Kenya Kwanza government has also been accused of capturing independent institutions.
Director of Public Prosecutions Noordin Haji shocked Kenyans by dropping murder charges against Public Service CS Aisha Jumwa and graft cases against DP Gachagua, Agriculture CS Mithika Linturi, former Kenya Power boss Ben Chumo, and activist-turned-businesswoman Mary Wambui, among others.
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In addition, the President recently announced that the National Land Commission (NLC) will no longer be responsible for the valuation of land for compulsory acquisition by the government; the Lands Ministry will now assume this responsibility.
Despite NLC being an independent commission, this is the case. The NLC is one of the independent commissions and offices listed in Chapter 15 of the Kenyan Constitution.
Article 67(g) of the Constitution grants the NLC the authority to levy land taxes and immovable property premiums in designated areas.
It describes the commission’s responsibilities in greater detail, including the management of public land on behalf of the national and county governments.
The constitution stipulates that any revision of a constitutional commission’s mandate would necessitate a constitutional amendment.
Since the Kenya Kwanza government came to power, there has been a systematic and ongoing purge of senior officers appointed by the previous administration, as well as interference in various government agencies.
Dr. Ruto has installed his allies as the new leaders of numerous State corporations and agencies.
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The same President had expressed concern about his allies being targeted by his ex-boss with fabricated charges and having their positions eliminated as a result.
Former Public Health PS Josephine Mburu and the agency’s chief executive officer Terry Ramadhani were among the highest-ranking officials to lose their jobs at the Kenya Medical Supplies Authority last month following an Sh3.7 billion mosquito nets procurement scandal.
In a parliamentary hearing, the two alleged that there was a cover-up designed to shield Health CS Susan Nakhumicha and PS Peter Tum.
The opposition has also complained about the use of state apparatus to harass its supporters, citing Mr. Maina Njenga’s recent ordeals as an example.
Raila Odinga, the leader of Azimio la Umoja One Kenya, stated, “Maina Njenga has since been slandered and harassed; they have conducted searches at his residences, planting some sort of evidence to smear him and find an excuse to arrest and detain him.”
In 2018, Kenyans criticized Mr. Kenyatta for the new taxes contained in the 2018 Finance Bill.
They claimed that the government was forcing them to dig deeper into their pockets while presiding over waste, theft, and corruption.
The Kenya Kwanza government is also under fire for imposing a slew of new punitive taxes at a time when Kenyans are struggling with a high cost of living.
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The controversial, mandatory 3% housing levy, the planned increases of National Social Security Fund and National Health Insurance Fund deductions, and the doubling of Value Added Tax on all petroleum products from 8% to 16% have angered Kenyans, despite President Ruto’s insistence that the new levies must be implemented.
Despite Kenyan protests, Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei, a staunch defender of the current regime, was confident that the Finance Bill 2023 would pass in its current form.
“According to rumors, the Finance Bill will include new taxes. We need to collect the taxes. We need funds to provide services to Mama Mboga and the boda boda driver in the village. I can confirm to this chamber that the people of Nandi support the Finance Bill in its current form because they desire resources, he said.
Ruto’s Echoing Moves: A Reflection of Uhuru Kenyatta’s Leadership
The Uhuru administration attempted to implement a housing tax but backed down after a public outcry.
Nyamira Senator Okong’o Omogeni criticized the push to approve new levies, arguing that the government must consider how the new taxes will impact the average citizen.
“I would like to warn the UDA administration. You must be sensitive in your interactions with Kenyans, particularly those in the lower ranks. When passing any taxation, we must consider how it will affect the average mwananchi,” he said.
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Political numerical advantage
Using political numerical advantage to ram through unpopular legislations or proposals is a further action reminiscent of the previous regime.
President Ruto met with government-aligned legislators at the State House in Nairobi to rally their support for the Finance Bill.
This action is reminiscent of how the previous administration used its numerical advantage in the House of Representatives to disregard dissenting opinions.
In February 2022, the National Assembly witnessed ugly scenes as lawmakers raised the debt ceiling, with lawmakers allied with Mr. Kenyatta and Mr.
In 2020, Senate Majority Leader Kipchumba Murkomen, Senate Whip Susan Kihiki, National Assembly Majority Leader Aden Duale, and National Assembly Whip Benjamin Washingali were removed using a similar strategy.
These leaders were formerly utilized to advance the government’s agenda.
State House meetings were also common during the previous administration, particularly when the president had government business he wished to advance in Congress.
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Dr. Ruto has been on the charm offensive to woo Azimio MPs over to his political camp as he builds a supermajority in the legislative branch of the government, just as his predecessor did via the handshake.
The President claims that he wants his government to be held accountable by a strong opposition, but he has used the other side of his mouth to entice opposition lawmakers into Kenya Kwanza.
Committee administrative positions
During his predecessor’s second term, opposition MPs slept with the government after the March 2018 handshake, with some receiving plum committee leadership positions. For example, Gladys Wanga chaired the Finance committee of the National Assembly, a government stronghold.
The new “unholy” alliance has enabled the government to pass legislation through Parliament with relative ease. As was the case in the previous legislature, both the Senate and National Assembly speakers have been accused of partisanship for preventing the defeat of government business and frustrating the opposition.
In both houses, Azimio’s efforts to rein in their disloyal members or change their leadership have been unsuccessful.
Recent attempts by Azimio to remove nominated MP Sabina Chege from her position as deputy whip have met with opposition in the National Assembly.
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A similar effort to remove Isiolo Senator Fatuma Dullo from her position as Senate Minority Whip dragged on for months before Speaker Amason Kingi implementing the change.
In the Uhuru administration, depriving counties of their fair share of revenue was such a problem that senators had to go to court to ensure that counties received their fair share.
This time, the government disregarded the recommendation of the Commission on Revenue Allocation (CRA) to transfer Sh407 billion to the devolved units for the fiscal year ending June 2024, even though the matter did not reach the courts.
The County Revenue Allocation Bill received the same treatment in the Senate as it did in the National Assembly, where the Sh385 billion proposal by the Treasury was adopted, despite protests from Azimio, which pushed for the adoption of CRA’s recommendation.
Counties have also continued to experience delayed disbursements of funds, which have frequently left county employees unpaid for months.
Ruto’s Echoing Moves: A Reflection of Uhuru Kenyatta’s Leadership
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