Haiti’s Urban Warfare Outmatches Kenya’s Police
At the beginning of August, Kenya offered to take charge of an international coalition aimed at restoring security in Haiti. Alfred Mutua, the Foreign Minister of Kenya, stated that Nairobi was ready to send 1,000 police personnel to support Haiti’s law enforcement in bringing back stability to the nation and safeguarding important facilities.
The proposal was readily embraced by the United States and Canada, with Jamaica and the Bahamas also committing to providing an additional 350 officers. The initiative, which would be coordinated independently of the United Nations, aligns with the foreign involvement that Haiti’s government initially requested in October 2022.
The nation is facing a severe crisis that continues without any clear resolution. In July 2021, ex-President Jovenel Moise was killed by mercenaries from Colombia, which had a deeply destructive impact.
Following allegations from Haiti’s chief prosecutor that then-interim Prime Minister Ariel Henry was involved with the individuals responsible for the crime, Henry removed the prosecutor from his position and has since remained in power without being elected.
The incidence of criminal activities has surged, as gangs have abducted 300 individuals for ransom in the current year. This figure is nearly equivalent to the total for the entire year of 2022 and is three times higher than the count in 2021.
Additionally, these gangs have taken control of ports and highways, leading to a severe impact on the economy. This has resulted in almost half of the population experiencing food scarcity, and a staggering 90 percent of the populace residing below the poverty threshold. Numerous educational institutions and medical facilities have shut down, and there has been a reemergence of cholera.
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Upon the arrival of Kenya’s assessment team in the upcoming weeks, they will realize that Haiti’s crisis extends beyond a mere law enforcement issue. It presents a grim scenario of urban warfare.
The primary challenge encountered by any international coalition will be formidable adversaries. Over merely three years, the once mere bandits of Haiti have evolved into resilient paramilitary groups, dividing the city of Port-au-Prince into territories that currently encompass approximately 90 percent of the urban area.
They possess deep familiarity with their surroundings and enforce robust community-level administration, often originating as protective community units. Persistent clashes between rival groups have shaped resilient fighters, with a notable portion having previous law enforcement experience or undergoing military instruction. Numerous individuals function as sharpshooters, using accurate rifles to meticulously aim at vital thoroughfares and bridges, as indicated by U.N. documentation.
The majority of these combatants possess significant weaponry. As of 2020, Haiti had an estimated half a million guns in circulation, as reported by the country’s National Commission for Disarmament, Dismantling, and Reintegration. Since then, this number has increased.
During the previous summer, American officials issued a caution about an influx of unlawful assault rifles originating in Florida, alongside belt-fed machine guns and rifles chambered in .50-caliber, which possess the capability to bring down helicopters with their ammunition.
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Instances of Haiti seizing illicit arms shipments are infrequent but serve to underscore the magnitude of such illicit movements. For instance, in July 2022, customs authorities intercepted a cargo vessel originating from Florida, confiscating a significant haul of 120,000 rounds of ammunition.
In addition to gaining combat expertise, innovation has been driven by acts of violence. In terms of organization, the majority of Haiti’s approximately 200 gangs are connected loosely to one of two opposing alliances: the “G9 and Family” or the “GPep.”
Both alliances include agreements for reciprocal aid among their associated members, allowing for the exchange of weaponry and combatants whenever required.
They organize concurrent assaults and can execute joint military maneuvers. As an illustration, in a 12-day engagement in April of the prior year, G9 fighters entered the Cul-de-Sac region simultaneously with the assistance of MRAPS, which are vehicles designed to withstand mines and ambushes. “It’s unmistakably a conflict,” remarked Sean McFate, a senior researcher at the Atlantic Council think tank located in Washington, to WPR.
On a tactical scale, gangs utilize drones for monitoring and surprise attacks, and they employ teenagers to assault police MRAPs using Molotov cocktails.
Police officers are increasingly choosing to leave their vehicles instead of engaging in altercations with children. This is becoming a more prominent problem due to the rising trend of gangs enlisting underage members. The adult leaders of these gangs are also employing similar tactics, such as using bulldozers to forcefully enter rival territories and speedboats to launch attacks from the sea.
Haiti’s Urban Warfare Outmatches Kenya’s Police
